Syrian students in Icelandic compulsory schools: The experiences of students, parents and teachers
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.24270/netla.2020.8Keywords:
icelandic compulsory schools, education, multicultural education, refugeesAbstract
In 2016 Iceland, in cooperation with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), received a group of Syrian quota refugees who had been stationed in Lebanese refugee camps. The group included families with school age children. Education is an important aspect of refugees’ adaptation process, as it is a key venue of mutual learning, both for the inhabitants of the receiving country and its prospective residents (Hannah, 2007). The purpose of this research is to improve education policies and practices relating to refugees by highlighting refugee students’ voices, as well as those of their parents and teachers. The main objectives involve assessing the experiences of the Syrian students and their parents and teachers at compulsory school level, by focusing on their personal perspectives, aspirations and challenges.
By investigating the experiences and impressions of students, parents, teachers and others who participate in the study process, valuable information may be gathered for the purpose of facilitating this group’s adaptation and learning. This research was conducted with the participation of families residing outside the capital, in areas where only a small number of residents are of Arab origin. Refugees often arrive in groups in their host country and as a result become obvious minority groups, especially if they exhibit characteristics from their home country such as language and culture (Anderson, 2003).
Various theories outline the adjustment process of refugees when moving to their host country, one of those being Berry’s (2005) theory of acculturation where he defines four adaptation approaches linked to two main premises; on the one hand, how strongly people prioritise the preservation of their cultural customs and self-image and, on the other, their readiness to participate in the larger community together with other social groups.
Regarding the refugees’ (the minority group), adjustment is considered to occur when individuals no longer emphasise the conservation of their cultural self-image but prefer daily relationships within the host country’s cultural environment. Separation, however, takes place when individuals hold on to their own customs and traditions, avoiding participation in another culture (Berry, 2005). In the latter instance the person concerned does not adopt the dominant language or values of the host country, but preserves his/her own cultural traits (Anderson, 2003). Integration occurs when there is a wish to preserve own culture and at the same time participate in everyday contacts with other groups. Integration is regarded as the option that carries the strongest positive results. The least desirable outcome is marginalisation when there is but little interest in own cultural customs (for various reasons, for example “enforced cultural loss”) as well as reluctance to socialise with other groups (for reasons such as exclusion and discrimination) (Berry, 2005).
Recent research by Eva Harðardóttir and Berglind Rós Magnúsdóttir (2018) on mainstream trends and policies regarding young refugees in Icelandic primary and secondary schools indicated that the concept of adaptation focuses, first and foremost, on measures to help refugees adapt to Icelandic conditions and society, without assuming any mutual adjustment of Icelandic society. This focus is in the spirit of assimilation. The conclusions of their research also suggest that the comprehension of diversity is of a somewhat rigid and uniform nature, defining and separating groups on the basis of religion, culture or nationality. This distinction between separate cultures was found, for example, in research interviews with teachers.
Three Syrian families, consisting of three fathers, three mothers and six children, volunteered to participate on the basis of the following criteria: (1) are classified as quota refugees, (2) live outside the capital area, and (3) have at least one child registered in an Icelandic primary school. Semi-structured interviews (Fife, 2005) were carried out with parents, students and five teachers – four female and one male – in the spring of 2018. Individual interviews were conducted with parents and teachers and group interviews with students. All interviews lasted 30-60 minutes and were sound-recorded upon agreement by participants. After each interview the recording was transcribed verbatim in English. Interviews in Arabic with parents and students were translated into English. The interviews were construed in accordance with the principles of thematic analysis and the data processed by means of descriptive content analysis (Vaismoradi et al., 2013).
The results indicate that cultural values have affected the education process and the relationship between home and school. As a consequence parents did not fully trust the Icelandic schools their children attended. It was also found that teachers lacked the appropriate support and training to get to grips with this particular group of students. Nevertheless, the students themselves state that they are happy at school and have a positive relationship with their teachers.